Who is august spies

Was dynamite ever distributed through the Arbeiter Zeitung office? A: No sir, we have not kept a store for the distribution of explosives. Q : Were bombs ever distributed through the Arbeiter Zeitung office?

Q : Didn't you tell Wilkinson the reporter that they were? Q : What was your address while you were a member of that bureau? A: Well, letters were generally addressed to 5th Ave. Q : How long were you a member of the bureau of information? Q : Were you a member of the bureau of information up to the time of your arrest? A: That is very hard to say. Socialism is the result of process of intellectual activity. My thoughts may have been going that way when I was a child, but I have considered myself a socialist for about ten or eleven years.

Q : How long have you considered yourself an anarchist? A: I have considered myself an anarchist for about eight years. Q : Ever since you have been editor of the Zeitung at any rate? Q : Were you a member of any group of the International? A: I got the card at the time when the American group was organized I cannot say whether I was a good standing member for the last year or so.

Q : Were you in the habit of making speeches at the meetings of the American Group? INGHAM: Certainly the examination in chief has been broad enough to permit us to go into anything relating to his connection with the co-defendants. BLACK: : We do not think so unless the gentleman can say that this matter comes within some subject touched upon in the direct examination, it seems to me it should be excluded.

BLACK: I do not object to their bringing out the fact of his being a member of the American Group, although I think I might have objected to that, but having gone on and asked whether he made speeches to the American group, that is totally foreign to the direct examination.

We asked him as to speeches made at McCormick's, on the black road, and about his speeches on the night previous. If I remember rightly on the direct examination you had him testify that he had been editor of the Arbeiter Zeitung for the last six years, and that he published it, and that whatever he did was under the general direction of the publishing society.

Now, if you go into apart of the occupations in which a man was engaged or that length of time then are they not entitled to go into the residue? BLACK: It seems to me not in a case like this, where as part of the original case, they went into the subject matter. They went into the matter of the speeches made by Mr.

Spies on various occasions. We have not in our view of the case thought it was necessary or desirable to go into that at all. We have left it precisely where the State left it. In examining this defendant we have simply asked him as to his speeches at the black road and on the night of May 4th, and we have asked him in a general way as to his relations to the Arbeiter Zeitung, the nature of his employment. We did not ask him at all as to whether they ordered him to put in this editorial or leave out that, or attempt to control or direct his editorial action--it was simply as to the general policy of the paper.

Now, how can that lay the proper foundation to ask him first: "Were you a member of any group? Whether it is proper cross examination or not, don't depend at all upon what side of the case the witness is examined on. The cross examination of a witness depends entirely upon the direct examination, and the relation of the witness.

Now here, you have given in a very brief, general way, in the examination in chief, what the general business and course of life of this defendant was for six years. I think that opens the door to them to find out what other occupations he has had which has taken any considerable portion of his time.

The question is now whether upon that examination in chief as to the general course of life of the witness for the last six years, as editor of this paper, whether they are entitled on the cross examination to show that a considerable portion of that time was occupied with other things than the mere editing of a paper.

There is another aspect of it. The Arbeiter Zeitung has some of it been put in evidence. You have had the witness state that the policy and general direction of the paper was controlled by the trustees or committee. Now, whether its course, the course of the paper was in accordance with his individual inclination or opposed to it is a matter therefore which they have a right to do. That is the short cut to get at that. Defendant's counsel then and there excepted to the ruling of the Court. Did you address meetings of the American group?

A: I delivered two or three lectures there, yes sir. Objected to. Exception by counsel for defendants. Q : Have you addressed socialistic or anarchistic meetings at other places in this City? A: I have addressed workingmen's meetings. They were never composed solely of anarchists or socialists. Q : Have you addressed meetings composed chiefly of anarchists or socialists? Q : Have you not addressed meetings frequently at different places in this city whose object was the agitation of principle of socialism and anarchy?

Q : Have you not addressed meetings at different places throughout the country in the interests of socialism? Q : Can you tell how much of your time was occupied in that? Q : Do you know of Fischer ever having addressed any meetings? A: You didn't answer my question, in the city or outside? Q : About how many times during the year would you get out of the city on those tours?

A: Probably I would receive invitations very often but could not go out--about twice a year perhaps. A: I don't think I have been out oftener than twice a year. Q : Did you have anything to do with the handling of dynamite, or distribution of dynamite or bombs except the dynamite about which you have testified? A: I have answered that I never handled dynamite outside of this.

Q : Did you ever have anything to do with the distribution of dynamite? Objection ovverruled. He says at one place it was at 5th Ave; in the Arbeiter Zeitung building, and I guess it is not stated where the type was set up. Q : How long have you been in correspondence with Most? Q : In whose hand writing is that postal card showing witness postal card?

THE COURT: The witness in his examination in chief testified that he frequently addressed labor organizations, whether that was in the interest of the laborer, or whether it was a stepping stone towards a course to overturn society-whether he was in good faith endeavoring to shorten the hours, of labor or whether the real object was beyond is admissable.

He said about the 4th of May he had been frequently addressing labor organizations, the result of which was he was very much excited and for that reason he did not propose to make a long speech.

He said there was a difficulty about remembering what he said because he had made so many speeches, and the same thing as to Parsons--that there was a difficulty in determining as to what was said on a particular occasion, because there was so many. Defendant's counsel then and there excepted to the ruling of the court.

Q : You can't remember now whether you ever read it or not, Don't you know you got this letter? A: I do not. I suppose I did. It is addressed to me I see. Q : Will you swear that you have no recollection of having received that letter? Q : Don't you know you did, Mr.

Can't you tell from reading the contents over that you read it before? Q : Read the request that it made to you, and state whether you can't tell whether you received that letter? Don't you remember receiving that letter and read it. A: Most likely -- undoubtedly I have received and read it, but I don't recollect at this date the contents of it or anything relating to it.

Q : That was not the question about the contents of it. Read the letter over. Q : How long have you carried on correspondence with Most? A: I never carried on any correspondence with Most. Q : Do you remember whether you answered the postal card or not? Q : Do you remember whether you ever said anything or wrote anything to Most in regard to the inquiries made of you in this letter?

Q : Do you remember whether you ever gave him the directions where to ship the material mentioned in the letter or not? I know positively I did not give him the directions. There may have been a letter addressed in my care which I may have sent to him, but I know absolutely nothing outside of that. Q : What do you mean by the words or the phrase "The social Revolution" Which occurs frequently in your writings in the Arbeiter Zeitung?

Q : You meant, did you not a change from a system of wages to some other system? Q : A change entirely of the present relations between labor and capital? Q : The doing away with private property or private capital? A: That is a question that we might have a discussion on. Q : Isn't that what you meant by itthe doing away with private capital? A: The doing away with the spoliation of labor, making the worker the owner of his own product.

That is what I mean by the abolition of the wage system. Q : What time were you invited to go to the Haymarket meeting first? Q : Was that the time you said you would not go if the phrase "workingmen appear in full arms" was issued in the circular, or contained in the circular?

The phrase should be "workingmen, arm yourselves and appear in full force. When was it that you objected to that appearing in the circular?

A: It was about as much as, as far as I can remember, 11 o'clock. It may have been shortly before eleven. A: Because I thought it was ridiculous to put a phrase like that in a circular. It would prevent people from attending the meeting in the first place, and in the second place, I didn't think it was a proper thing to do. A: One of the reasons I have already stated.

Another reason is that there was at the time some excitement at least, even though it was not very great, and a call for arms like that might not have been just the thing at the time. A: It might have caused trouble between the police and the attendants of that meeting. Q : You wanted it stricken out so as to prevent trouble between the police and the people at the meetingthat was one of the reasons?

A: I didn't anticipate anything of the kind, but I thought it was not a proper thing to do. The main reason, the principal reason I had was, that it would simply keep people away from the Haymarket. Q : Did you think that was proper when you wrote it? A: When I wrote it I thought it was proper, yes. I don't think so now. A: I wanted to arouse the working people not to submit to such a brutal treatment. Q : What did you want to accomplish by itwhat did you expect the working people to do?

A: I wanted them not to attend the meetings under such circumstances unless they could resist themselves. Q : Did you say anything here about their not attending meetings?

Q : Then what did you expect to accomplish when you wrote that circular? A: I wanted to arouse that mass of working people who are stupid and are ignorant, and who will run and be shot down as they had at McCormick's on the previous day. I wanted to warn them to go into a conflict with the police like that. Q : You wanted to warn them to do whatwhat did you want them to do? Q : Yes sir, what did you expect by this circular to incite them to do? A: I didn't want them to do anything in particular.

I wanted them to be conscious of the condition that they were in. Q : Why did you appeal to them then to arm themselves? Q : Didn't you intend that they should arm themselves? Q : You published that circular for the purpose of arousing the workingmen of this city so they should arm themselves in order to resist the police, if the police should appear against them?

A: I have called upon the workingmen for years and years, and before me others had done the same thing to arm themselves, and they have a right, under the Constitution, to arm themselves, and it would be well for them if they were all armed. Q : You called on them to arm themselves for the purpose of resisting the lawfully constituted authorities of this city and county in case they should meet with opposition from them did you not?

Q : You did call on them to arm themselves so as to resist the police? A: The unlawful attacks of the police or any other organization. Q : You did call on them to arm themselves to resist the police, in case the police should interfere with them? Have you not urged the workingmen of this county time and time and time again in your speeches, and in your editorials, to, arm themselves in order to bring about a social revolution?

Q : Have you not published articles in your paper time and time again calling upon the workingmen to arm themselves with every means known to modern science in order to bring about the social revolution when the time comes? A: You must separate your questions so I can answer them. Q : Have you not, done that in your published speeches? Q : In order that they might bring about a social revolution? A: Well, I will have to explain. I have called upon the workingmen to arm themselves, to resist any unconstitutional and unlawful demands of any organization, whether that be police, militia or any other.

Q : Have you not called on them to arm themselves in order to over-throw the lawful authority of the country? Q : And in order to change it into a socialistic system?

I don't say whether in print or orally. Look at the first editorial in the issue of April 21st of the Arbeiter Zeitung. Were you the editor of the paper at the time that was published shows witness paper? Q : Were you the editor of the paper at the time it was published?

I will put a strong caseone of course that is only important by reason of analogy. Suppose your Honor should be indicted for being a conspirator, or an assistant in a burglary, and upon the trial it should be shown that you had received letters that bore directly upon the offense, but there was no testimony whatever that you had ever answered the letters or that you had ever had any communication or anything of the kind, could your Honor hold that the letters were admissible?

THE COURT: Where a particular crime is charged, and there is correspondence found in the possession of the defendant, having no relation to that crime, the mere fact of the posession of the correspondence is admissible.

How much consequence is to be attached to it depends upon a variety of circumstances to be determined by the party trying the case. It appears that this letter is in the writing of Johann Most. The testimony in proof here is that he is the editor of a paper called the Freiheit. Translations from the Freheit are in the Alarm. Also in the Arbeiter Zeitung.

It also appears in truth that Johann Most is the editor or writer of a book called the "Science of "modern warfare, or revolutionary war. Suppose Herr Most wrote you a letter. Furthman wrote me. THE COURT: "Letters and papers found in the custody of a person indicted for high treason may be read on his trial to prove any overt action of rebellion, though not themselves any part of the overt act on which the Crown intends to reply.

Letters which have never been in the possession of the defendant cannot be admissible in evidence against him. SALOMON: If your Honor please, before finally passing upon the question, we would like to have an opportunity to look up the law and see whether this letter should be admitted. Letters addressed to a person and received by him and not destroyed are admissible if they relate to the subject matter that is under investigation. How much weight is to be attached to them depends on a great variety of circumstances.

Read your translation. Testimony of August Spies August 9, Black and testified as follows: Q: Will you give your full name to the jury? A: August, Vincent, Theodore Spies. Q: Where were you born? Q: What is your present age? A: I will be 31 in December. Q: When did you come to this country? A: Q: Is your father living or dead? A: My father is dead. Q: Since when?

A: He died in A: He did. Q: Your mother is living? A: My mother is living. A: I have. Q: How long have you occupied that position? A: For six or seven years, I think, six years, a little over six years Q: Since then, about or ?

A: Since Q: Prior to what was your business? A: It was. A: I did not. A: Exactly. Q: What compensation were you paid as editor? A: I receive eighteen dollars a week. A: Well, since I worked for the company. Oh, excuse me you objected. A: I was. Q: Reporter of what paper? A: Of the Arbeiter Zeitung. Q: Upon what date was that? A: No, nothing. A: No, I didn't know that that was in the immediate neighborhood or anywhere around McCormick's when I heard of the meeting Q: Prior to that time had you ever been out in the immediate locality of the McCormick's works?

A: Yes sir, I had. Q: Do you remember who that was? Objected to as immaterial. Q: An hour for the labor? Q: You may proceed now. Q: And who were running? A: I wrote that editorial in the evening. Q: That evening?

A: It is not an editorial. It is simply a report. A: It is a local report. Q: You wrote the revenge circular so-called? Q: When was that written? I suppose I will have to give an explanation-- Q: I will ask you whether or not at the time you wrote that circular, you read the report published the next day, whether or not you believed the statement that six of the workingmen had been killed that afternoon at McCormick's?

A: Yes, I believed that, and this belief was corroborated by the five o'clock news which stated that five MR. Q: Do you know personally anything about it? A: Only what I have heard here, yes. Q: That were distributed? A: Immediately Q: I will ask you whether or not at that time you were still laboring under the excitement of the scene and the hour? A: Well-- MR. A: I was, certainly.

I knew positively by the experiences that I have had in the past that this butchery of the people out there was done for the express purpose of defeating the eight hour movement in this city, that all large stricks, wherever they have taken place-- THE COURT: That is not admissible, but however if it is not objected to, I suppose it may go in. A: At what time? A: I was in the city of Chicago. A: Yes, I was. A: I had no part in it whatever. A: That was the first I heard of it.

Q: At what hour did you reach the haymarket? Q: It is an afternoon daily paper? A: Yes sir, it is an afternoon daily paper. Q: And was on May 4th, ? A: And was at that time. A: It was this circular Indicating. A: May I state what I told the person?

Q: State briefly what occurred? A: I told the man that if that was the meeting which I had been invited to address-- MR. A: It is very difficult to state that without-- MR. Q: The line was taken out? A: That I don't know. Q: You didn't see that personally? A: I can't swear to that, no sir.

A: The man has been on the-- Q: Greunberg? A: That is all. Q: And he was the only party? A: Yes. Q: What did you do? Q: Platforms? Q: Was there any light upon that wagon or not? A: No sir. Q: Your memory is that that was burning? A: That I couldn't say. Q: It was an ordinary truck wagon? Q: But with the upright stakes? A: Yes sir, a large long express wagon.

Q: That was your brother Henry? Q: The one that has been on the witness stand? Q: Was he with you during the whole evening? A: He was with me during the entire evening. Q: Standing around on the haymarket?

Q: Was Schwab with you on that wagon at that time? A: No, I didn't see Schwab. Q: Was Schwab with you any time that evening? Q: What direction did you take from the wagon? A: Well, the wagon was standing at the east side of the street, probably-- Q: A little north of the alley? Q: You moved south-westerly from the wagon? A: South-westerly, yes sir. Q: Then you didn't go into it? A: That could not very well be possible, no sir. Q: From there what direction did you take? Q: On which side of Randolph Street did you walk on that occasion when you were walking westerly and when you returned and came back easterly to the corner of Desplaines A: On the north side.

Q: You didn't go to Halsted street, however? A: No. A: In German. Q: How long have you know Schnaubelt? Q: How is Schnaubelt as to speaking English?

A: I don't know. Somebody may have attempted it. Q: Did you know it? A: I don't know it. A: He wore a gray suit, a light gray suit. Q: A light gray suit that evening? A: Yes sir, I should judge so. Q: Not at all during the entire evening? A: Not in the entire evening. A: I spoke about 15, or about 20 minutes. Q: What did you say that you now recall? Q: Referring to the McCormick matter?

I said that for twenty years-- Q: Wait a moment. Q: In what language did you speak? A: I spoke in English. A: I stood on the wagon. Q: Did you listen to Parsons' speech? Q: How long did Parsons speak? A: I did, yes sir. A: I staid on the wagon.

Q: How long did you remain there? A: Yes sir,there was reference. Q: What did Parsons say to that, if you remember? Q: What do you remember of Fielden's speech? Q: You don't recall about Fielden's speech? I didn't think even then when I saw them--I didn't think they were marching towards the meeting, or that they had anything-- Q: At that time what was the size of themeeting as compared with what it had been before that time?

A: Captain Ward. Q: What did you hear? Q: That is the officer? Q: You got down off the wagon? Q: Where did you then go? Q: Where did you wind up? A: No Sir. Q: Did he do it or not? A: I saw Schnaubelt?

Q: You heard the testimony of the witness Gilmer? Q: About what size man was Schnaubelt? Q: A large frame and a large body? A: Yes Sir. Q : What is your recollection about the toothpicks? Q: You knew it was for publication in the News? The topic of the conversation, the subject, the substance of it was, that a fight, a struggle was inevitable, and that it might take place in the near future, and what might and could be done in such an event Q : A general discussion in other words of the possibilities of street warfare, under modern science?

A: I believe I did, yes. Q : How did that happen? A: Yes, I remember. Q : Now, state how? A: May I state how? Q : Yes sir. A: I think that is the manuscript. Q : That is in your hand-writing? A: Yes, I should think it was. Q : You simply sent it up to the compositor's room? Q : How was it then called to your attention? How do you know he did? A: He returned to me about five o'clock. A: He returned at five O'clock. Q : He went away on your suggestion? A: It was Rau. Q : Were you a member of any armed section?

A: I was not. I have not been for six years. A: If it is in the same condition. A: Absolutely nothing. He was convicted with the other seven accused, and hanged in His final words inspired unionists and anarchists alike: "The day will come when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you are throttling today. Albert Parsons Albert Parsons, a former Confederate soldier who moved to Chicago in , worked as a typesetter for the Chicago Tribune before being fired for speaking against capitalism.

After that, he worked as a printer, primarily for radical and labor causes. He was a member of the moderate Knights of Labor organization and a founding member of the syndicalist Central Labor Union.

Spies recruited him at the last minute to speak at the Haymarket rally. Parsons addressed the crowd for nearly an hour and left before the bomb exploded. He fled Chicago after arrests were made for the bombing, but returned voluntarily for trial. He was hanged in , declaring in his final words, "Let the voice of the people be heard!

An unwavering critic of authority and capitalism, Engel lost faith in the political process and joined the International Working People's Association. Engel was at home playing cards at the time of the explosion.

He was convicted and hanged in An extreme anarchist, Fischer worked as typesetter for the Arbeiter-Zeitung and co-edited the journal, Der Anarchist. He supervised the printing of the broadside announcing the Haymarket rally and inserted the line, "Workingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force. Fischer attended the Haymarket rally but departed before the ending events.

He was arrested, convicted and sentenced to death by hanging. His last words before execution were, "Hurray for Anarchy! This is the happiest moment of my life! Louis Lingg Louis Lingg was born in Germany and emigrated to Chicago in , drawn to its strong anarchy movement.

Lingg bristled at the violence used by police during labor conflicts and stated, "if they use cannons against us, we shall use dynamite against them. Lingg used this skill to commit suicide in jail by detonating a bomb in his mouth, the day before his scheduled execution.

Of the remaining five, Louis Lingg killed himself in his cell with a cigar bomb on November 10, As he faced his demise on the gallows, Spies shouted, "the day will come when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle today. In January , while still in prison, Spies married Nina van Zandt — She was a graduate of Vassar college and the only child of a wealthy Chicago chemist. She published an article on the trial for the Chicago Knights of Labor.

After Spies's death she married Stephen A. Malato, an attorney, in They divorced in , and she reverted to the surname Spies. I was born within the ruins of the old robbers castle Landeck, upon a high mountain's peak Landeckerberg , Central Germany, in My father was a forester a government administrator of a forest district ; the forest house was a government building, and served -- only in a different form -- the same purposes the old castle had served several centuries before.

The noble Knighthood of Highway robbery, the traces of which were still discernable to the remnants of the old castle, had passed away to make room for more genteel and less dangerous forms of plunder and robbery, as carried on in the modern dwelling under the present government.

But while the people from old custom designate this and similar old ruins in the vicinity as "old Robber Castles," they speak with great deference of the present government buildings, in which they themselves are daily and hourly fleeced; they would even, I believe, fight for the maintenance of these lawful institutions. How greatly these "Barbarians" differ from the intelligent American people!

Tell the Americans to fight for the maintenance of our commercial robbing posts and fleecing institutions -- tell them to fight for the protection of the lawful enterprises of our Board of Trade men; Merchant princes, Railroad kings, and Factory lords -- would they do it?

Alas, more rapidly, I fear, than those "Barbarians from Central Europe, who cannot comprehend the spirit of our free American institutions. Viewed from a historic standpoint my birthplace is quite an interesting spot. And this is the only excuse I can offer for my selection of the place for said purpose. I admit I ought not have made the mistake, ought not have been born a foreigner, but little children, particularly unborn children, will make mistakes!

However, I find no fault with such wise and intelligent men as Mr. Grinnell and His jury, for hanging men who were injudicious in the selection of their birthplace. Sins of this character deserve severe punishment; "society must protect itself against offenses of this kind. But speaking of castle Landeck. Follow me there, reader, on a bright and clear day. We make our way up the old tower. Take care, or you will stumble over the debris. Oh, that is a piece of an old torture rack; we found it in one of the subterranean walks, together with several pieces of old ugly weapons, once used to maintain order among the victims but why do you shudder?

The policeman's outfit of to-day is not quite so blunt and barbaric, it is true, but it is as effective and serves the same purpose. So, now, take my hand, I'll help you on top of the ruin. Look out for the bats. These winged lovers of darkness have great resemblance with kings, priests and masters in general; they dwell in the ruins of the "good old times," and become quite noisy when you disturb them or expose them to the light; adders, too, made this place their favorable habitation in former years and rendered it very dangerous for any one to place his sacrilegious foot upon this feudal monument; we killed them.

They were the companions of the bats and owls; their fate has given the latter much uneasiness, and tears were entertained that something terrible would happen -- that the ghosts of the old 'noble knights' and 'noble dames' would come back and avenge the rudeless annihilation of the venerable reptiles, but nothing of the kind has transpired. I need hardly add that the work of renovation was greatly impeded by these venomous creatures; since their extermination we have made remarkable progress.

You smile! Oh, no, I am not speaking of those other reptiles you seem to think of. But here, we have reached the top. Great view, is it not! Over there, about thirty minutes walk from here, west you see another ruin like this; that is castle Dreieck, and over there an equal distance southwest you see another one, Wildeck.

And now look down in the fertile valleys, the beautiful meadows and fields and flourishing villages! Of the latter you can count a dozen, all located around this mount; and do you know that all these villages and others which have been laid waste during the thirty years war were tributary to the robbers who ruled over them in these three castles?

Yes, the people in these villages worked all their lives from early dawn till late at night to fill the vaults of those noble knights, who in return had the kindness to maintain 'Peace and order' for them. For example: If one of these toiling peasants expressed his dissatisfaction of the existing order of things, if he complained of the heavy and unbearable tasks placed upon him, 'law and order' demanded that he be placed upon one of those racks you have seen a relic of, to be tortured into obedience and submission.

To accomplish their beneficent objects, they did not even require the assistance of a Chicago jury. Many of the peasants were put to an ignominious death. Some of them would persist in their folly that it could not be the object of society nor the intention of Providence to have a thousand good people kill themselves in a laborious life for the glory, enrichment and grandeur of a few ungrateful, vicious wretches.

Such dangerous teachings were a menace to society, and their promulgators were unceremoniously stamped out. Not more than feet from where we stand there is a perpendicular chasm hole of volcanic origin; it is about 8 feet in length and 3 in breadth; its depth has never been ascertained. The saying goes that scores of girls were cast into this terrible abyss by the valiant Knights during their reign of peace and good order! It is said that these benevolent "respectables" of ancient times kidnapped the pretty girls of the villages, carried them like birds of prey to their lofty abodes, and then when they got tired of them, or found ,,something better," disposed of them in this way.

Oh, I see, you shake your heads incredulously! Have you never seen the dumping grounds of the modern knighthood in our large cities-a similar abyss? It is more frightful than the one I have told you about; its name is prostitution. You don't believe the people would have borne all these outrages-? My friend, your rebellious spirit carries you away.

The "orderly and good people" suffered these atrocities just as silently as our "law and order abiding workingmen" bear them today. I told you what happened to those who showed resistance! My words make you sad, turn you pessimistic? Let me show you something else. Look through these two mounts; can you see a tower in the dim distance-yes?

At the side of this tower are yet to be seen the ruins of the first chapel built in the realms of the old heathen, but free and liberty-loving Germans. It was founded by one of the apostles of St. Boniface, in the eighth century; his name was Lullus. With this chapel and others that soon followed the poison of Oriental servilism, the gospel of man's degradation, resignation and asceticism was first introduced.

The old Cherutker and Katten, who had. It is true, the healthy and robust Germans were not an easy prey to the pessimistic belief of a debauched and dying race- Rome they never have been good Christiansbut they became sufficiently infected to lose their consciousness and pride of manhood for a while, to fall into the despairing vagaries of the Orient, and as a natural consequence into serfdom.

If life had no value, why then aspire to liberty? Friend, the ruins of yonder chapel is the monument of an epoch that gave birth to such robberburgs as the one we stand upon. The people would have raised these roosts to the ground long before they did, if the priest had not stood between them and "Law and Order.

These two ruins, once sacred as the pedestals of social order, are prophetic monuments. Man will so stand upon the ruins of the present order and will say as you say now-"was it possible! But now turn around-along this mountain chain, northeast, there, where the earth dips mistily into the horizon, the periphery of our view-do you see yonder gray spot, it looks like a small cloud? That's the Wartburg, you have heard of Wartburg.

It was here, where Dr. Martinus Luther lived and worked, an instrument of the revolutionary forces; the revolutionary forces, my friend, that gradually had developed in these villages. It is our custom to attribute great movements to single individuals, as being their merit. This is always wrong and it was so with Luther. The Germanic race could not digest the Byzantinian philosophy as embodied in the Judaic and Christian teachings.

The idea that this world was calculated to be simply a purgatory and our life a martyrdom was repulsive to them, was that servitude and despotism were growing from the seed of the new religion and developing, where once had been the habitation of liberty; developing at such a rate, that patience ceased to be a virtue.

The rebellious spirit of the people. But as the iniquties of the "nobility," and the domestic burdens of the people grew unbearable this spirit burst out in flames, and in Luther found a crystallization point. From the Wartburg then the mighty wave of the reformation rolled forth. It was the Occident struggling in self- preservation against the Orient. The love of liberty which had been lying spellbound in the people's heart for generations, now flowed out in lucid streams; the magic spell was broken But the "nobility," while they wanted liberation from the despotism of the Roman Church, they liked the privileges the latter had given them; the patent to rob the peasants of their labor too well-they scorned the idea of the common people aspiring to economic freedom.

Was not "spiritual liberty," a change of certain religious notions, enough for any common man? Luther soon became the tool of these cheating knaves, and wielded his pen in condemnation of the objects contended for by the people. He denounced the true and brave leaders of the people, the fearless Thomas Muenzer and his associates, worse than the Pope had denounced him shortly before.

And when the liberty-thirsty people finally took up their scythes and axes and forks, and drove the "noble Knights" from their robbers' roosts, it was Luther who brought about a vast conspiracy of the latter against the people. It is characteristic that now all religious differences were set aside and all petty tyrants combined to subdue the people.

Papist or Lutheran, all were instantly united in the crusade against labor. America at this time presents an analagous spectacle: Republicans and Democrats "embrace each other as Nectar and Ambrosia," wherever labor rises for emancipation. Of course, the people were conspirators and incendiaries. Hear what Thomas Muenzer saidLookyou, the sediment of the soup of usury, theft and robbery are the Great, the masters.

And then they preach God's commandment to the poor; 'Thou shall not steal. They bone and scrape the poor farmer and mechanic until these have nothing left, then, when the latter put their hands on the sacred things, they are hanged. And Doctor Liar says, Amen! The masters do it themselves. The cause of the rebellion they won't abolish, how then can things change to the better.

And I say this, I am an incendiary-let it be so! You make a mistake, reader, the language is not modern, it's years old And the man who used it was in the right.